2016年為國內教會將帶來什麼?(寫在2015年12月31日)

關於國內的教會我已很久沒有在我的博客上發表意見了,當然不是因為太忙(多麼忙也不能不關心「我們的」教會),也不是因為害怕我的意見不受歡迎(按我的年紀,我應該不擔心任何得失了),倒是覺得:「如果能報喜,不是更好嗎?」可惜,我的命運比較像耶肋米亞先知的;等了這麼久,還是沒有喜訊可報,聖誕期及新年來臨,普天同慶的時刻,我的歎息不免有些不合時宜,但我不能做一隻不吠的狗呀!

(A) 記得去年年初文匯報曾興高采烈地報告說「中梵關係不久就會有進展」,跟著教廷國務卿也說「前途充滿希望,兩邊都有意對話」。那時我對這股突如其來的樂觀熱風不免有所懷疑。我真見不到有什麼根據讓我們可以樂觀。千多間聖堂的十字架被拆(有的地方連聖堂也被拆了),這事發展到今日,我們已不能一廂情願地以為這是個別地方官員的過份熱心。幾間修院已不運作,北京全國修院的修生被逼書面許諾接納獨立自辦教會的原則,接納和非法的主教共祭(否則讀完課程也得不到文憑)。政府不斷鞏固一個客觀上已和普世教會分裂的教會,利誘威逼神職人員作出種種違反教義與教規的事,也就是負賣自己的良心,自己的尊嚴。

(B) 這半年來,有些事情發生了,看來是好事,但也有令人不太興奮的一面。周至教區吳欽敬主教祝聖後十年終於就職了,但看來他也付出了一些代價:被逼妥協。(見我7月14日的博客)

不久後,安陽張銀林助理主教被祝聖了,連慣常很謹慎的天主教媒體也非常鼓舞,說這祝聖事項很「順利」,更強調這是三年來中梵接觸後的第一次,又是方濟各任職教宗以來的第一次。說這是一個「好的開始」,這才使我害怕。這次祝聖的模式包括「民主」選舉,禮儀中公讀所謂主教團的任命狀,有襄禮主教的身份不清不楚,如果這就是即將達成的協議,那末一切都還停留在三年前的「不正狀態」,值得我們高興嗎?(見我9月7日的博客)

(C) 十月底有大新聞說:梵方代表團到北京和中方又見過面了。教廷什麼細節都不透露。倒是韓德力神父大寫文章(他什麼都知道)。他說:「他們沒有討論一些敏感的問題,如在監獄裡的保定蘇主教,被他們免職的上海馬主教。(這些問題不是該優先解決的嗎?這些問題也不解決,怎能證實中方的誠意?)。他們集中討論了任命主教的問題(是什麼方案?是安陽模式嗎?)梵方代表會面後還去拜訪了李山主教及在全國修院的馬英林「主教」(韓神父還以這是中方的善意表示,我怕是中方施了壓力逼梵方「叩頭」)。」

稍後教廷國務卿終於也承認十月中有過「見面」,並說「談得很好,希望最後會達成協議」。在記者們追問「是否真有進展」下,他卻回答說:「有對話也就是好事了」。看來還未達成協議。

(D) 究竟目下談論的是怎麼樣的方案,我這個處在邊緣的老樞機無從知道,看來我沒有資格過目,沒有資格過問。

亞洲新聞社主編最近寫的一篇文章「北京,宗教迎來嚴冬」(12月11日)說「據從中國獲悉的消息:中方在會談中似乎要求教廷讓中國政府所承認的主教團(全權)負責任命按照民主方式選出的(也就是按照愛國會建議的)主教候選人。聖座要批准此任命,祇有在「嚴重」案例的情況下可以提出否定意見,還要說明理由,一旦聖座的理由「不充份」,中國主教團可以無視聖座的否決,繼續執行自己的任命。如果這項消息準確的話,中方這樣的要求能被梵方接受嗎?這樣的方案還尊重教宗對主教們的任命權嗎?教宗能簽這樣的協議嗎?(教宗本篤曾說:「教宗任命主教的權是教會創辦人耶穌交給教會的,不是教宗私人的權利,他也不能讓這個權給任何人!」)

教廷的高官們知道在中國選舉是怎樣的事嗎?他們知道地上主教團不祇不合法,而且根本不存在嗎?愛國會和主教團(一會一團)根本是一體,而主持會議的是政府官員(有相為證,政府已不覺得需要掩飾,他們赤裸裸地在「辦教」)!簽署這樣的協議就是把真實的委任權完全交給一個無神政府了。

比較起來這模式比那所謂「越南模式」還不如,因為越南模式假設是由越南教會,真正的越南教會,採取第一步行動,不是像在中國由政府以愛國會名義領導教會。在共產權下的東歐,至少在波蘭和捷克斯拉夫,也是由教會採取第一步,而讓政府可以提出否決。保證了教會採取第一步,那末就算政府否決一百次,提名者和最後任命者還是教會。政府堅持否決也祇能拖延僵局,教會還能堅持提出合適的候選人。一個無神的政府怎麼知道誰真適合做教會的牧者?

當然,如果教會不堅持自己的立場,而配合政府堅持的要求,也可能負賣教宗的任命權。這可能發生嗎?András Fejerdy 在一篇文章裡說:『因為教廷認為「有被祝聖了的主教才能保證信友們領聖事的機會」。在1964的匈梵協議中接納了一個解決辦法,這辦法雖然不正式違反教宗任命主教的權,但實際上讓政府在選主教的事上有決定性的影響。』天亞社由四川成都最近傳出的消息是:教廷在梵方代表團在北京和中方對話後不久批准了中方在2014年五月選出的主教候選人。這不是「雖然不正式違反教宗任命主教的權,但實際上讓政府在選主教的事上有了決定性的影響嗎?

(E) 對話集中討論任命主教的問題,但待解決的問題多得不得了,教廷幾時才處理這些問題,怎樣解決?

亞洲新聞社主編的那篇文章裡說「據從中國獲悉的消息,似乎北京仍然堅持聖座承認全體官方教會主教(包括非法的和被絕罰的)」。我不免要問:由政府出面要求,不必有關人士表示懺悔?被絕罰的不祇被赦免,也被追認為合法主教?也不必懺悔?天主的慈悲到這個地步嗎?信友們從此要服從這樣的主教嗎?

其實要清理的東西多得很。非法的甚至絕罰的主教擅自使用聖事權(包括祝聖執事和司鐸)和行政權(調動神父),教廷似乎沒有出聲指責。合法的主教一次、兩次,甚至三次、四次參與非法祝聖主教(沒有公開申明他們已向聖座認罪或得教宗寬赦)又參與全國天主教代表大會。梵方代表團離北京後不久,中方就組織了一個全國大規模的所謂教會領導的朝聖行動,實際上逼合法、非法和絕罰的主教一起共祭。這些客觀上都是裂教的行為。政府已成功牽著地上多數的主教鼻子行,使他們已失了尊嚴,難以翻身。教廷如果和政府簽協議而不清理這些事,為信徒們的良知將是一個嚴重的打擊。

(F) 為政府,我們教會的地下團體當然形同不存在。梵方也遷就對方,在談判中不提不問嗎?為「顧全大體」割棄了那些我們的兄弟姊妹嗎?他們是教會健康的肢體呀!當然地下也有他們的問題,而且在許多教區教廷不給他們主教,沒有主教,遲早會亂。教廷怕觸怒北京壓制地下的聲音,這不是自殺嗎?

在最近談判中不提十多年來坐牢的蘇主教,不提三年多被軟禁的馬主教,因為屬於敏感的問題?!有曾長期坐監的教友及家屬來羅馬朝聖,紀念六十年前大教難的爆發,教廷要他們低調,「過去的過去了,向前看吧!」?!

在外交上,地下的教會是教廷手中的牌,自我閹割了還有什麼東西可以使對方讓步?地上的,他們全面控制了,地下的,由教廷為他們控制,他們還需要什麼?他們祇需要教宗簽個字,祝福這個「中國教會」(他們根本不是想談判的!)簽協議後是不是要地下的都到地上來,服從那些曾長期是非法 - 曾被絕罰的 - 現在一下子不必他們認罪 - 靠政府的壓力 - 被認為合法的主教們?

(G) 使我不能放心的是教廷國務卿還沉醉在「東方政策」的「奇蹟」中。他在去年一次演講中讚美當時的Casaroli樞機成功為東歐共產國家任命了主教。他說在物色主教人選時教會是找一些人做牧者,不是找那些「逢政府必反」「像鬥獸場的鬥士好鬥」「喜歡在政治舞台出風頭的」,我怕他在影射當時捍衛教會權利的教會英雄如波蘭的維辛斯基樞機,匈牙利的閔真蒂樞機,捷克斯拉夫的Beran樞機。那是多麼可怕的想法!希望我懂錯了他。

如果那協議簽成了,天下可以太平了吧!但我不會參加慶祝這新的教會的成立,我會消失,我會去隱修、祈禱、做補贖。願教宗本篤原諒我沒有成功做他希望我成功做的事。願教宗方濟原諒我這個在邊緣的中國樞機給他寫了這麼多的信,給他添了這麼多麻煩。

諸聖嬰孩被殺害了。天使叫若瑟帶瑪利亞及嬰孩逃走避難。今天我們的外交家恐怕會勸若瑟去和黑落德談判吧!

補充(譯自意文稿)

請不要以為我把地上地下分成黑白。地上大多數神職和教友們都是忠於教宗的。有些為了地上教會不正常的狀態感到痛苦;很多神父、教友對某些牧者的懦弱或不義感到心痛,有時是他們努力阻止了那些牧者跌得更深,有時一個團結的司鐸團和忠信的教友也能保護他們的牧者免受更甚的欺侮。

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What will 2016 bring the Church in China 

by Card. Joseph Zen Ze-kiun

I have not spoken about the Church in China on my blog for some time now. Certainly not because I am too busy to do so (busy as I may be, I will never lose interest of our Church in China), not because I fear criticism of my ideas (at my age I have nothing to gain or lose).

No, the problem is that I’d like to give some good news, but, as you will note, my fate is that of the prophet Jeremiah. I have searched at length for some good news, but have found none. I realise that during this season of Christmas and the New Year, my complaints are somewhat “extra chorum”, but I cannot be a dog without a bark.

A.

I remember that at the beginning of last year the newspaper Wen Wei Po announced jubilantly that “relations between China and the Vatican will soon have a good development.” Soon after, the Vatican Secretary of State said that “the prospects are promising, there is a desire for dialogue on both sides.” I had my doubts about this unexpected wave of optimism, I saw no basis for this optimism. More than a thousand crosses were removed from the top of the churches (in some cases the churches themselves have been destroyed). After so long, we can no longer delude ourselves that this was anything beyond an episode of some local official’s exaggerated zeal. Several seminaries have been closed. Students of the National Seminary in Beijing were forced to sign a declaration of loyalty to the Independent Church, promising also to concelebrate with illegitimate bishops (otherwise they would not receive a diploma at the end of their studies). The Government is continuously strengthening a church that now objectively is already separated from the universal Catholic Church; with enticements and threats they induce the clergy to perform acts contrary to the doctrine and discipline of the Church, denying their conscience and their dignity.

B.

In the latter half of 2015, there were some promising events which however failed to live up to expectations. Bishop Wu Qin-jing of Zhouzhi, ten years after his episcopal ordination, was finally installed as bishop, but has yet to pay the price of a compromise (see my blog of 14 July 2015).

Shortly after, Bishop Zhang Yinlin of Anyang was ordained. Even some usually cautious Catholic media rejoiced saying that everything had gone well. They pointed out that this ordination is the first after the last three years of contacts between Rome and Beijing, and also the first in Pope Francis’ pontificate, presenting the event as a good start.

It is this last statement that scares me, because the process included a “democratic election”, the reading of a “decree of appointment by the (so-called) Episcopal Conference of China” and the canonically un-clear position of a co-consecrating bishop. A similarly abnormal process took place three years ago, does it deserve our rejoicing? (See my blog of 7 September 2015).

C.

In October comes the big news: A Vatican delegation was in Beijing, there was a meeting. The Holy See gave no news of it. Father Heyndrickx Jeroom broke the news (of course he knows everything). He says: “They did not discuss sensitive issues like Bishop Su Zhimin of Baoding still in detention, or such as Bishop Ma Daqin of Shanghai to house arrest for more than three years (but these problems should not be resolved before any negotiations? Otherwise obviously there is no goodwill on the part of Beijing). They focused on the issue of appointing bishops (of which model? Like with Anyang?). After the meeting, the delegation paid a visit to Bishop Li Shan of Beijing and the National Seminary where they met with Ma Ying Lin (Father Heyndrickx said that these are signs of goodwill on the part of Beijing, I think instead that they were acts of homage imposed by Beijing)“.

Later the Vatican Secretary of State also confirmed that there was a meeting and that it was “very positive” and this “would be part of a process that will hopefully end with an agreement.” Pressed by some journalists as to whether there was real progress, Cardinal Parolin responded: “The fact that we speak is already positive.” It seems that there is no agreement in sight as of yet.

D.

So what is the formula now under discussion for the appointment of bishops? As an old Cardinal out on the peripheries, I have no way of knowing, let alone guessing.

A recent article “A winter of darkness for religions in China” by Bernardo Cervellera on AsiaNews, says: “From information that has arrived from China it would seem that Beijing’s proposal is : Vatican approval of the government recognized Council of Bishops and approval of the competency of this Council (and not the Pope) in the appointment of new candidates to the episcopacy who will be “democratically” elected (in short according to the suggestions of the Patriotic Association). The Holy See must approve the Council’s appointment and has a weak veto only in “severe” cases, which must be justified if used. If the Holy See’s justifications are considered “insufficient”, the Council of Bishops may decide to proceed anyway”.

If this information is accurate, can the Holy See accept the claims of the Chinese counterpart? Does this approach still respect the true authority of the Pope to appoint bishops? Can the Pope sign such an agreement? (Pope Benedict said: “The authority of the Pope to appoint bishops is given to the church by its founder Jesus Christ, it is not the property of the Pope, neither can the Pope give it to others”).

Do our officials in Rome know what an election is in China? Do they know that the so-called Episcopal Conference is not only illegitimate, but simply does not exist? What exists is an organism that is called “One Association and One Conference”, namely the Patriotic Association and the Bishops’ Conference always work together as one body, which is always chaired by government officials (there are pictures to prove it, the Government does not even try more to keep up appearances, it starkly flaunts the fact that they now manage religion!). Signing such an agreement means delivering the authority to appoint bishops into the hands of an atheist government.

This scheme is often compared to a (poorly defined) Vietnamese Model, but it is much worse. The Vietnamese model is based on an initiative that began with the Church in Vietnam, the true Catholic Church in Vietnam. In China on the other hand, the so-called Association and Conference hide the reality that it is the Government calling the shots.

Even in Eastern Europe of the past, such as in Poland and Czechoslovakia, it was the Church that took the initiative and then gave the Government veto power. In doing so, even if the government vetos a proposal for the hundredth time, it is still the Church that presents a candidate and makes the appointment. If the Government insists on a veto, it will only prolong the impasse, and it will still allow the Church time to look for a suitable candidate. But it is unthinkable to leave the initial proposal in the hands of an atheist Government who cannot possibly judge the suitability of a candidate to be a bishop. Obviously, if the Church gives in to pressure from the government, the only result – despite proclamations to the contrary – is that it will have sold out the pontifical right to appoint bishops. Can this happen? According to an article written by a certain András Fejerdy: “For pastoral reasons – that is, because the full administration of the sacraments requires completely consecrated bishops – the Holy See believed that the completion of the Hungarian Bishops’ Conference was so urgent that it accepted a solution that formally did not upset the canonical principle of free appointment, but that in practice gave the regime a decisive influence in choosing the candidates”.

UCAN News reports recent news from Chengdu (Sichuan): “Shortly after the visit of the Vatican delegation to Beijing, the Holy See approved the episcopal candidate elected in May 2014”. Is this not exactly a case of “not upsetting the canonical principle of free appointment, but …in practice giving the regime a decisive influence in choosing the candidates “?

E.

It is said that dialogue focused on the issue of the appointment of bishops, but there are many other pending problems, when and how will they be resolved?

The aforementioned AsiaNews article stated, again based on information received from China: “Beijing (demands) the Holy See’s recognition of all the official bishops, even the illegitimate and excommunicated ones.” I wonder: is it only the government that makes these demands, without repentance of those concerned? Will the excommunicated only be released from excommunication or even recognized as bishops? Even without any act of repentance? Has the mercy of God come to this? Will the faithful be forced to obey these bishops?

So much remains to be resolved.

Illegitimate, even excommunicated bishops have abused the sacramental power (including ordination of deacons and priests) and judicial (assigning offices) and the Holy See seems to be without rebuke for them.

Legitimate bishops who participated in illegitimate episcopal ordinations, one, two, even three, four times, without ever having asked for forgiveness, or having received forgiveness from the Holy Father. Also those who took part in the so-called Assembly of Representatives of Chinese Catholics (the clearest symbol of a schismatic church).

Shortly after the Vatican delegation left Beijing, the government organized a large gathering of Church leaders, forcing on that occasion a celebration of all the bishops, legitimate, illegitimate and excommunicated. These are all objectively schismatic acts. The government now can string along a large number of bishops, resulting in an irrecoverable loss of dignity. If the Holy See signed some agreement with the Government without clarifying all these things, it will cause a severe wound to the conscience of the faithful.

F.

Obviously our underground communities are non-existent for the Government. But now is even the Vatican ignoring them in negotiations, to appease their Chinese counterparts? To “save the day” will we abandon our brothers and sisters? But they are the healthy limbs of the Church! (Of course, they too have their problems, especially when dioceses remain without bishops, which can only lead to disorder). Is silencing the underground community to please the government not a form of suicide?

In the recent negotiations there has been no mention of the case of Msgr. James Su Zhimin in prison for 20 years, Nor of Msgr. Thaddeus Ma Daqin of Shanghai under house arrest for more than three years, because these issues have been deemed “too sensitive” !?

In early September, some of the Shanghai faithful who were in prison for a long time, along with their relatives, went on a pilgrimage to Rome to commemorate the sixtieth anniversary of the outbreak of the great persecution on September 8, 1955. They were told: “Do not make any noise, the past is past, we have to look forward”!?

On a diplomatic level, the underground communities are the ace in the Holy See’s deck; if we amputate these limbs, what have we left in diplomatic standings to induce the other party to agree to our terms? By now, the government controls nearly all the official communities, while the underground communities are kept at bay by the Holy See. What do they still need to come to terms? They only need the signature of the Holy Father, a blessing, for this “Chinese Church.” Beijing has no intention of negotiating, only making demands. After such a signature they will force the faithful of the underground community to come out and surrender to those who were illegitimate bishops for a long time, maybe even excommunicated, but now, with a clean slate, without even showing any repentance, leaning only on the Government for their legitimacy, have become bishops in their own right.

G.

What makes me restless is the sight of our Eminent Secretary of State still intoxicated by the miracles of Ostpolitik. In a speech last year, at a Memorial for Card. Casaroli, he praised the success of its predecessor in having secured the existence of the Church hierarchy in the communist countries of Eastern Europe. He says: “In choosing candidates for the episcopate, we choose shepherds and not people who systematically oppose the regime, people who behave like gladiators, people who love to grandstand on the political stage.” I wonder: Who had he in mind while making this description? I fear that he was thinking of a Cardinal Wyszynski, a Cardinal Mindszenty, a Cardinal Beran. But these are the heroes who bravely defended the faith of their people! It terrifies me to realize such mindset, and I sincerely hope that I am wrong.

On the day that an agreement is signed with China there will be peace and joy, but do not expect me to participate in the celebrations of the beginning of this new Church. I disappear, I will start a monastic life to pray and do penance. I will ask the forgiveness of Pope Benedict for not being able to do what he was hoping that I could do. I will ask Pope Francis to forgive this old Cardinal from the peripheries for disturbing him with so many inappropriate letters.

The innocent children were killed, the angel told Joseph to take Mary and the Child and flee to safety. But today would our diplomats advise Joseph to go and humbly beg for dialogue with Herod !?

P.S.

Please let it not be said that I believe the only line of distinction is that of “official and underground”. The vast majority of the clergy and lay people who belong to the official community are faithful to the authority of the Holy Father. Many are suffering enormously because of the abnormal situation of their Church, they are saddened by the weakness or lack of rectitude of their pastors, sometimes they even try to prevent them from falling further. In many cases a united clergy and a faithful people can defend their pastor from further bullying from the Authorities.

蔚和平神父追思彌撒

本文2015年12月31日登出,2016年1月3日修整。

(A)

教會禮儀在聖誕節翌日安排了首位殉道聖斯德望瞻禮,隔了一日又紀念被黑落德殺害的諸聖嬰孩,在小耶穌的馬糟前已流了不少鮮血。在這普天同慶的日子裡紀念亡者絕沒有什麼不適宜。

天主聖子降生成人,取了我們罪人的肉軀,為能參與我們的死亡,使我們能參與祂的復活、永生。我們為喪失朋友蔚神父而悲傷,但在信德中我們是充滿希望的。

彌撒是感恩祭,我們今晚為蔚神父豐盛的一生感謝天主,領洗的恩寵,聖召的恩寵,多姿多采為天主子民服務的恩寵。他的年齡祇是我的一半,但我多麼羡慕他:教育青年,傳教,栽培聖召,服務在社會邊緣、在貧困中生活的人們。恩寵越多責任越大。蔚神父一定感到自己欠天主很多,我們為他祈求慈悲的天主,彌補他的一切缺失。

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(B)

回歸後,我們和大陸的教會雖屬一個家庭,但看來像是兩個世界,我們享受信仰自由,他們還在水深火熱的教難中。我們那些兄弟姊妹為保持信仰要有極大的勇氣,付出極大的犧牲。

我們當然要盡力打破這兩個世界之間的隔膜,我們能獻出棉力幫助他們是我們的福份;他們的榜樣使我們慚愧,勉勵我們珍惜我們的信仰自由。但有人對我們兄弟之間的交流不太放心。這一年來公安多次叫蔚神父不要接觸陳樞機。其實我從來沒有主動接觸他,他也很少來港和我見過面。緊緊把我們連繫在一起的是我們對慈母教會的敬愛。

蔚神父離世已過了七七。國家公安到處裝了眼睛監視人民的行動,竟還未能為他的死因定案(一早就說他自殺了,後來改口說他們從沒有肯定他自殺),這叫我們怎能放心?既未定案我們不便猜測。但定了案我們能安心相信嗎?我們已學到在大陸除了有自殺也有「被自殺」的。無論如何這粒麥子已落在地裡,願它早日結出百倍的果實。

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(C)

有人傳給我蔚神父的一篇文章(不知有否刊出過),這篇文章充滿智慧。今晚如其聽我講道不如讓蔚神父講道。讓我把他的這粒智慧的種子種在你們心中。這文章的題目是「時間屬於祂」。在復活夜聖燭禮儀中主禮高聲宣講這真理「時間屬於祂」。既然「時間屬於祂」我們就不要心急。

在目下的情形中,中梵交談能有結果嗎?政府已穩固控制地上教會的「主教團」,他有理由把宗教自由還給教會嗎?就算達成協議,如果中國政制不徹底改變,有可能執行協議嗎?別的宗教有愛國會,天主教可沒有嗎?人民沒有言論自由,天主教徒可以有言論自由嗎?那麼怎麼辦?我們不能為了達成協議而放棄真正的宗教自由(教宗本篤在2007年給在中國教會的信中,第四章第七節,說過:「與合法的政權持續衝突並不能解決現存的問題,但同時,當政權不恰當地干涉教會的信仰和教律時,我們亦不能就此屈從」。教宗方濟各在韓國對亞洲主教們也說過:「在對話時,我們不能否定我們的本質放棄我們的原則,負賣我們的信仰」)。

現在得不到宗教自由,不要緊,我們能等,初期教會不是等了三百年嗎?但在等待中我們還是能默默耕耘,誰也阻不了我們傳耶穌的福音,做光做鹽。(這正是教宗本篤在九年前的斯德望瞻禮日,向我國教友說的:「我特別記得教難中的兄弟姊妹,求主幫助他們恆心到底,就算面對眼前全面的失敗也不要灰心」。教宗方濟各曾在問候新祝聖的主教們時也說過:「我們記得那些不能來參加這聚會的兄弟們,我們大家鼓勵他們:他們的苦難一定會帶來偌大的收獲。」)

蔚神父也有充滿智慧的話送給我們教廷的高官。我希望有機會傳給他們。他說:「在這等待的期間,不要為了討好中共政府放棄自己該做的事,要鞏固忠於教宗的主教、神父、教友,給他們精神力量的支持。」(有人會說:這是「搞對立」。這使我記起出名的希臘寓言。一隻在上流飲水的狐狸,見到在下流飲水的羔羊,竟對他說:「你污濁了我飲的水,我要懲罰你。」我們希望牧羊者及時來救這隻羔羊。)

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總結:

各位教友,我們為蔚神父豐盛的一生感謝了天主。蔚神父的死因至今未有定案使我們不安。我們要用祈禱來支持大陸的兄弟姊妹。

蔚神父提醒我們「時間屬於天主」,讓我們感恩接受他富有智慧的反省:不為了眼前的成功負賣良心,在耐心等待美好的將來時,勇敢地、謙虛地做我們信徒該做的事。

* 註:C段三個括號中是作者的註解。

adv_20151230

9月24日聖母贖虜紀念日

那時有許多教友成了回教人的俘虜,聖母關懷他們,啟示了幾位聖人在1218年創立了一個修會,他們到處募捐贖金,有時急於救出俘虜甚至也會獻身替代別人做俘虜。史家統計被贖的俘虜計有二百多萬!

可惜,今天世界上還有很多人被人俘虜喪失自由。我們犯罪時更成了罪惡的俘虜。讓我們求聖母拯救我們,使我們擺脫罪惡、惡習和自私心理的束縛。

教宗方濟各在「主!願你受讚頌」通諭中指出環保的問題非常嚴重,人類不可忽視這個危機。但他更指出這問題的根源。科技的進步越來越快,給人類帶來許多方便,這當然是好事。但人崇拜科技,以為科技能做到的人就可以做,這就錯了。那些擁有科技的富翁及權貴隨從自私的心,追求利潤、享受,不惜破壞宇宙的生態,也不關心身邊人及後代人的需要,甚至剝削人、奴役人

他們設立了一個全球性的、邪惡的、生產和金融的制度,鼓勵消費文化,引誘貪心投機,無知的老百姓就踏入陷阱,在定期性的災禍中成了犧牲品。

教宗鼓勵我們發起一個「文化大革命」,擁抱大自然我們的家、節儉樸素、關懷貧困、追求精神的價值:真、善、美。

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

最近我參加的一些活動和這些大道理也可以扯上關係。

- 九月八日,是上海教難爆發的六十週年(教難早已開始,我慈幼會有兩位兄弟在1951年已被捕,死在監獄裡),30幾位上海籍教友(其中八位曾為信仰在監獄中渡過了廿多年)聚集在羅馬謝恩求恩,感謝天主給他們為信仰受苦的福份,求天主保祐還在獄中的主教、教友,早日賜祖國信仰自由,再沒有人無辜被俘虜。

00244_15092015

-九月十九日,十三位朋友陪我再上了一次獅子山頂,感謝上主給我們在香港這塊福地上生活,求祂支持我們努力奮鬥,維護這城市固有的價值,發揮獅子山下的精神。寧願辛苦上山,也不願在山腳遊花園。

IMG_7390

-中秋節就到,香港監獄裡的囚友,在接受天主教朋友送上的雙黃蓮蓉月餅時,會感到他們沒有被社會遺忘。為善最樂,感謝天主。

Mooncake sample02

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

還有兩件好事,有人想參與嗎?

-向奧巴馬(Obama)提議邀請教宗方濟各和習近平主席共赴早餐。

-在各碼頭及地鐵站口募捐助學金,送張曉明同志去讀書。

祝中秋快樂!

謙遜、平安的活殉道

三十多位上海教友從台灣、美國及其他地方來羅馬朝聖,紀念六十年前中國教難的大爆發,他們親身或他們的親人,在這教難中為信仰作了見證,其中八位在監獄裡渡過了二十年、三十年。

有人希望大家「向前看」,低調紀念這日子。他們(祇是那八位)能親到了教宗的手已很滿足了。我也學了他們的謙遜,有幾位記者要訪問我,我也婉拒了。

這個九月八日為我們是祈禱的一天。早上我們在聖伯多祿大殿地下一個小堂獻了彌撒。

想起六十年前大爆發的教難(註)今天還是無情地繼續,我還是用聖詠43首,向天主說:「主啊,醒來吧!你還忍心讓這麼多兄弟姊妹受磨難嗎?」可是看了我眼前謙遜、平安的活殉道,我要承認還是他們有道理。

真如教宗本篤在致中國教友的信中說的,祇有被宰殺的羔羊能夠揭開歷史的奧秘。在聖瞻禮七祇有聖母充滿信心地等待着復活的黎明。其實聖母的誕生也就是整個救恩的黎明,進教之佑,為我等祈!

彌撒後,我們在大殿的正祭台前唸了信經。

早餐後,我們去了聖母大殿,唸了玫瑰經。

然後去聖地窖(Callistus),從地窖出來我們坐下,分享了我們的感受。

午飯後,我們去了鬥獸場拜苦路(用了2008年教宗本篤吩咐我撰寫的默想)。

那天晚上韓總主教請我們進用中式晚餐,在和他親切談笑中結束了這有意義的一天。

星期三伯多祿廣場滿是各處來的教友。我們坐在比較近教宗的位置,八位兄弟姊妹親了教宗的手。

主啊!哪年哪月我們國內的兄弟姊妹才能成群來到這裡,慶祝教難的結束,宗教自由的來臨?佘山聖母,為我等祈。

(註)六十年前是教難的「大爆發」。在上海,九月八日聖母聖誕瞻禮晚上,差不多一千信徒被捕:龔品梅主教、神父、修女、教友(尤其聖母軍的青年)。

其實教難早已開始。我慈幼會兩位兄弟已在1951年被捕,死在監獄裡。

真理的光輝被遮蔽了

周至教區吳欽敬主教公開就職後,我在網上寫了幾句話,也是為回應一位教友張懷陽兄弟。我同意他說的,我們不應該批評吳主教,他堅持了十年了。如果我在他的處境,恐怕五年也堅持不到。更重要的是看來羅馬也同意他稍為妥協。不過不少人還是覺得這樣做法有些可惜。希望吳主教能堅持「到底」。

我的文章一登出,國內馬上有三篇文章攻擊我,但我見到在網上了解我的人還是多數,包括張懷陽兄弟,所以我也沒有再講話了。

後來安陽張銀林助理主教被祝聖了。一些慣常很謹慎的媒體都對此很樂觀,使我不敢說出我的一些質疑了。但後來見到Gianni Valente的文章,在他的結論裡還引用甘保祿神父的話說『面對自稱是中國天主教教義堅定性的「監護人」的某些人,地下教會內已經出現了明顯的不耐煩。』天呀!我沒有出聲,他們還這樣追擊我!我真忍不住了,我又出聲了。不過我不是肯定什麼,卻是提出一些問題,希望他們能給些使我們滿意的答案。

許多人很高興因為這次祝聖很「順利」。我卻有很多不明白的地方。

(一)他們說被祝聖者是教宗早已批准的。亞洲新聞說是2009年已批准。梵蒂岡電台卻說是今年4月28日批准和任命的。但中國政府說他是4月29日民主選舉出來的。誰說的算?

(二)他們說祝聖者都是合法的主教,但徐州的主教是非法祝聖的。幾時合法化了?他曾公開交代嗎?教廷有公開聲明嗎?

(三)禮儀中宣讀的是中國主教團的任命狀,但主教團根本不存在,實際上是政府的任命狀!大家都知道有教宗任命狀,但祇許在更衣所內宣讀。

這是多年來,直至三年前,國內通用的方法。Gianni Valente說這是曾「得到雙方同意的」,我從沒有聽過。他又說這是「雙方默認的」,我以為應該說是「中方單面強行的,而教廷勉強默認的」。

但這一切做法不就是類似那時人們勸那老人家厄肋阿匝爾(Eleazarus)所做的嗎(加下6:21ff)?真理的光輝在哪裡?

(四)最使我擔心的是他們都指出這是三年來中梵接觸後的第一次,又是教宗方濟各上任後的第一次,他們都說這是一個好的開始。難道這就是即將達成的協議嗎?那真太可怕了。這樣做法教宗對主教的任命權不就被出賣得乾乾淨淨了嗎?

Gianni Valente引用教宗本篤2007年那封信的第四節:「……解決現存的問題不能通過與合法民事當局的持續衝突進行」,但教宗接著也說:「同時,當政權不恰當地干涉教會的信仰和教律時,我們亦不能就此屈從。」

我說Gianni Valente「斷章取義」,寃枉了他嗎?

Sembra che siano sicuri di avermi messo a tacere per sempre

Vedendo che del recente articolo di Gianni Valente sul sito del Vatican Insider (articolo 42718) c’è solo il testo italiano, faccio anch’io una stranezza, scrivendo un articolo in italiano sul mio blog che è per i lettori cinesi. (v. nota 1)

C’è stata una ordinazione episcopale il 4 agosto in Cina, ed io non mi sono pronunciato al riguardo. Ho visto la relazione dell’UCAN piuttosto positiva. Con mia meraviglia, l’Asia News, che normalmente è severa con il governo di Pechino, questa volta si mostra felice dell’evento (forse ha giocato sul cuore di Padre Bernardo Cervellera il fatto che la diocesi di An Yang era affidata al PIME e i PIME conoscono l’ordinato come un prete buono e degno di essere fatto pastore della diocesi). Perfino il mio amico, il sempre equilibratissimo reporter Gerard O’Connell, si mostra entusiasta, anzi, vede l’avvenimento come un buon augurio per cose che verranno.

Davanti a queste voci positive ho creduto bene di non esprimere pubblicamente le mie perplessità. Ma ora che mi capita di vedere l’articolo di Gianni Valente, le mie perplessità sono diventate vere preoccupazioni.

Alla fine del suo articolo, Gianni Valente ha messo il cacio sui maccheroni. Ha citato il solito Paolo Kan, il quale dice: “Anche nella comunità clandestina si manifesta una evidente malsopportazione di quei signori che dal di fuori si atteggiano come giudici della nostra fedeltà alla Chiesa”, una freccia diretta al sottoscritto.

Ma perché questo attacco completamente gratuito? Forse sono sicuri di avermi già messo a tacere per sempre? Ovviamente hanno sbagliato. Io sono debole. Come faccio a resistere quando mi stuzzicano in tale maniera? Apro la bocca di nuovo, però farò non delle affermazioni, ma delle domande, alle quali spero di ricevere risposta.

È stata veramente tutta a posto questa ordinazione?

  1. Il candidato è stato approvato dal Papa? Come lo si può sapere? Asia News dice che è stato approvato già nel 2009, ma la Radio Vaticana dice che è stato nominato ed approvato il 28 aprile 2015. Ad ogni modo, il governo cinese dice che è stato eletto il 29 aprile (non ammetteranno mai che hanno fatto eleggere il candidato perché già approvato dal Papa).
  1. Tutti i consacranti sono legittimi? Il vescovo di Xuzhou era stato ordinato illegittimamente. Quando è stato legittimato? Ha fatto qualche dichiarazione in pubblico? Ha il Vaticano fatto qualche pronunciamento?
  1. Il rito dell’ordinazione è quello deciso dal governo, inclusa la nomina da parte della cosiddetta Conferenza Episcopale, la quale lede gravemente il diritto del Romano Pontefice. Come può essere motivo di tanta esultanza da parte dei nostri?

Del resto Gianni Valente è molto confuso:

  • Dice che la cerimonia era “non è inedito molto non ordinaria”; (v. nota 2)
  • Dice poi che quella era stata “concordata dalle due parti”;
  • Dice poi che è quella “usata, in simili circostanze, fin dal 2004”;
  • Dice infine che in quegli anni le due parti “tacitamente riconoscevano questa formula come una soluzione provvisoria”.

Allora, se già usata fin dal 2004, non ènon è ineditomolto non ordinaria”; (v. nota 2).

È stata (espressamente) “concordata tra le due parti” oppure è stata “tacitamente accettata”? Non sembra si tratti del primo caso. Non si è risaputo niente di simile. Nel secondo caso, siccome è il governo che decide per il rito, sarebbe più esatto dire che il rito è stato tacitamente accettato dalla Santa Sede, anzi, ancor più esattamente, tollerato a malincuore. Allora, che motivo c’è di rallegrarci?

  1. Quando poi si connette tutto questo con i “contatti avuti in questi tre anni” e coll’avvento di Papa Francesco e si presenta questa ordinazione come l’inizio di un nuovo corso, questo mi fa semplicemente paura. Vorrebbe dire che si andrà avanti con le “elezioni democratiche” e colla lettura del decreto di nomina della Conferenza Episcopale? Non si vende così agli atei il vero diritto del Papa di nominare i vescovi?

Ma si dirà: “Si sa che l’unico candidato per essere votato è stato già approvato dal Papa e la bulla di nomina si legge in sacrestia”. Ma questo non è ciò che si suggeriva al vecchio Eleazaro e che lui ha rifiutato di fare a costo della sua vita? (2 Maccabei 6:21ss) Il popolo non avrà diritto di scandalizzarsi davanti a tale ambiguità?

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due correzioni (14 sett.)

nota 1       io avevo trovato l’articolo solo in cinese, ma poi qualcuno mi ha dato il testo italiano.

nota 2      Confrontando i due testi ho trovato un errore di traduzione. L’orginale “non è inedito” è stato tradotto in “很不尋常” (molto non ordinario). [in senso quasi opposto].

Questo errore mi ha indotto a trovare una contraddizione che non c’era nell’originale.

il lettore tralasci quel che è ora sottolineato nel testo.

吳欽敬主教就職典禮

就職了,終於可以公開執行主教的任務了,不是好事嗎?但網上聽到的像是一片歎息聲。吳主教付了什麼代價?張懷陽兄弟說:『目前無論是登記公開的還是堅持地下的,活著的恐怕沒有一個敢說:「我比吳主教忠貞!」……除非你能比他勇敢忠貞,你才有資格譴責他。』

看來張懷陽兄弟也暗示吳主教妥協了。

當然張兄弟也有道理。誰有資格譴責我們這位背十字架的主教。我們身處自由世界的更沒有資格。而且「教廷都不反對」……。沉重的十字架他已背了十年了……如果是我,恐怕早已投降了……

可是,福音說:「唯獨堅持到底的,才可得救。」(瑪24:13)

主啊!究竟發生了什麼事?請幫助我們在真理中愛我們的兄弟。願在水深火熱中的他們都能堅持到底!願上海的馬主教能堅持到底!

願我們大家都不要驚怕汹湧波濤,平安到岸全靠祂!

伯多祿,方濟各

今天,聖伯多祿聖保祿的瞻禮日,我在網上追聽了教宗最近在都林向慈幼會會士說的一席話。

他首先提起的是鮑思高會祖叮囑慈幼會會士該培植的三個「愛」:愛聖體中的耶穌、愛聖母、愛教宗。其實我記得在本會的傳統中不祇用「愛」字,甚至稱這三個為「敬禮」。是的:敬禮聖體、敬禮聖母、敬禮教宗。

方濟各解釋了,愛教宗也就是愛教會、耶穌的淨配。教宗說不要害羞展示對慈母教會的愛,這慈母是神聖的,縱然教會中的人、從教宗開始、都該不斷歸依。

這些話鼓勵我繼續敬愛教宗。

我對教宗方濟各的敬愛,有幾個層面,一個是本能性的,情緒化的,有機會見面時就會「爆發」的,個個「慈幼仔」都該是「保皇黨」。

五月十三日在聖伯多祿廣場,教宗步上他的寶座、在我和別的主教們前行過,我們都拍手向他致敬。他見了我竟揮手對我說:「過來,讓我抱抱你」。139000_13052015

他作了「週三講話」後我們主教們排隊個別問候他時,我還交了一封信給他。140805_13052015接著我又帶他去祝福了一位一百歲的傳教士胡子義神父。141575_13052015教宗又親了他的手。141624_13052015我絕不害羞說那是我特別開心的一天。

當然我對教宗的敬愛不停留在此。身為中國藉的樞機我有本份做教宗的顧問之一,在非常複雜的中梵關係的問題上貢獻我的看法。這就是為何我不斷和他通信(去年八月底他單獨接見了我,之後我也沒有再要求單獨見他,佔用他的時間,我肯定他會認真看我的信)。

關於中梵關係,最近我每說一句話就有一百個人出來講話,不祇是在大陸,很多還是在意大利,在羅馬,甚至在教宗身邊的。這使我不能不加倍謹慎,避免別人誤會。如果有人「喜歡」誤會我,那我就沒有辦法了。

我曾說國內教會的情形是嚴重地不正常(政府辦教!),要正常化需要有個奇跡。有人就說:「陳樞機不相信奇跡」。我曾說不宜要求內地主教(尤其那些半上半下的)公開表態,因為他們並不自由,坦白說了話就會有麻煩。有人就說:「依陳樞機我們的主教都不堪當受訪問」。我曾說有年老主教多年被拘留,教廷和中方談判時「怎能心平氣靜坐下來?」(我對傳媒更說他們要「拍枱聲討」,這當然是泄氣的話),就有人說:「陳樞機說既然還有主教被拘留,我們就不該去對話。」

教宗說他希望能去中國,陳樞機竟說會勸他不要去,這又怎麼解釋?我這話說過好幾次,教宗肯定聽到了,他也有許多機會可以叫我收聲,但卻從沒有對此講半句話。他當然知道我倆的說話並沒有矛盾。方濟各說的是他恆久的、強烈的意願;我指出的是目前的實際情況,沒有某些保證他絕不宜訪華。他固然說過「去中國?明天就去更好」,但他加了一句:「我們所要求的祇是宗教自由」還加上一句「教宗本篤的信還完全有效呀」,那也就是說:要在中方基本接受天主教為天主教的條件下,教宗才會去中國。

對教宗的敬愛主要是信賴他是信德的抵柱,耶穌說過:「西滿,西滿……我已為你祈求了,為叫你的信德不至喪失……」(路22:32),教宗最重要的任務也就是「堅固你的兄弟」(路22:32)。

很多好心做壞事的人責備我不「同情」我們國內的兄弟。難道我不比他們更知道國內的兄弟是處於多大的壓力下?但同情不應該等於鼓勵他們接受那些違反信德的要求,而是鼓勵他們勇敢堅持信德的要求。鼓勵他們繼續屈服於違反信德的強權下是錯誤的同情,使他們越來越不能自拔;真的同情,真的愛該是「堅固他們」持守信德,維護教會的本質,保持耶穌淨配美麗的真面貌,吸引同胞歸依唯一的救主耶穌。

伯多祿被釘死在十字架上,保祿被斬首。耶穌多次救過他們脫險,為什麼不讓他們延年益壽,受更多信徒的愛戴,平安而終呢?

伯多祿聽了耶穌預言苦難和死亡不也有這樣的反應嗎?(谷8:32)耶穌剛讚了他(瑪16:17-19),現在卻嚴厲責斥他(谷8:33)。以生命為主愛作證是最大的福份,最高的光榮,耶穌怎能讓他的兩位宗徒少了這福份,這光榮?

 

看來有人要我們收聲

先是香港共黨媒體興高采烈地報告說:「中梵關係不久就會有大進展」。跟着教廷國務卿也公開說:「前途充滿希望,兩邊都有意對話。」

香港一班向來關懷國內教會的兄弟,對這股突來的樂觀熱風不免有所懷疑。我們看不見有些什麼跡象讓我們以為共黨政府在不久的將來會改變他們的宗教政策。

這幾天又看到兩篇訪問稿,是傳信部通訊社記者Gianni Valente寫的,他訪問了國內兩位主教。讀了這兩篇文章,感到不是味道。看來這位御用記者想說的是:國內忠於教宗的,曾為信仰而坐監的主教也支持中梵對話,那些不甘樂觀的,請收聲吧!

前言

在分析那兩篇文稿內容前讓我先指出兩點:

(一)訪問內地教會人士(不論地上、地下,尤其是那些處於灰色地帶的,半上半下的)常要記得:他們不是自由人,在公開講話時他們不能暢所欲言,否則就會遭遇馬達欽主教一樣的命運。以為他們能暢所欲言是天真,知道他們不能暢所欲言而訪問他們對他們是殘忍,對讀者是誤導!

(二)G. V. 作了的是一個引導性的訪問,有時這引導性十分露骨,如在訪問魏景儀主教中講及「官方」和「地下」天主教徒的分裂時,他加了:「似乎常常是個人野心或者權力鬥爭助長的」。在講到中梵對話時他說:「對於某些人來說,如果聖座同中國政府談判,看上去就像是投降了,或者甚至『將自己賤賣了』」。

同樣,在訪問韓志海主教中講及如果教廷和北京開始對話他問:「是否會有教友反對,以為任何努力為達到協議都是錯誤的,是自殺?」

這位頗有盛名的記者竟這樣違反職業守則,實在令人遺憾!

甲.讓我們先分析一下對魏主教的訪問。

(一)中梵之間有什麼問題? 魏主教說的很好:不必複雜地追回2000年的歷史,目下的問題,也就是地上、地下分裂的原由,祇是一個,「在當今中國,分裂主要是外來壓力的結果。政府對待教會的方式使教會分裂了,而這種分裂又在歷史進程中加劇了。」

 (二)既然問題就在這一點,那麼與「歷史中兩邊的錯誤」沒有直接的關係。解鈴還需繫鈴人。祇要當今政府改變「對待教會的方式」問題也就可解決了

G. V. 問誰「該行第一步?」也是多餘,魏主教答得很好:教會早己走出第一步:「教宗正在作出努力充分表達自己願意對話」。

(三)G. V. 提出好幾個問題,都暗示他預期有人會反對教廷與中共對話,認為對話就是負賣教會。這是G. V. 的一個大誤會,這樣說也大大誤導讀者。

沒有人會否認「沒有對話,問題得不到解決」,但對話的成功要靠兩邊的誠意。教宗顯然有這誠意,中共有誠意嗎?輕率地、過份樂觀地、以為對方有誠意是危險的,可以是一廂情願。如果對方寸步不讓,而我們一定要達成協議,那就祇有全面投降,負賣自己了。

我們怕的、我們反對的,不是對話,是一個無底線的妥協

(四)我們的底線也就是教宗方濟各說的我們的本質identity」(在韓國與亞洲主教共祭彌撒中的講道),也就是榮休教宗本篤十六世在2007年信中所陳述的教會學。這幾年來國內教會的情形離這底線越行越遠。獨立自辦、自選自聖,已是一個無名有實的裂教了。有什麼事跡使我們希望中共會接受我們的底線,讓天主教再成為真正的天主教?

國內教會情形是嚴重地不正常,簡直是政府在辦教,現在要走上正常的路難如登天,非有一個奇跡不可

(五)問題多得不得了。當然最嚴重的問題是主教的任命。這幾年來本人雖是中國教會委員會成員,又是一位中國樞機,但從來沒有得到知會中梵有否對話或對話進展得怎麼樣,所以不知道兩邊準備同意的是怎樣的模式。祇希望教廷明白在國內「選舉」是怎麼樣的一回事。希望教廷記得地上團體根本沒有「主教團」,「主教團」祇存在於紙上。

另一個關鍵的問題是「愛國會」。放風的傳媒已說「愛國會」是不能取消的。那末有什麼希望教務會正常化?魏主教以為愛國會可以變質,我怕那將是換湯不換藥,在文字遊戲上我們的教廷不是中共的對手。

除了「主教任命」及「愛國會的存亡」,還有一大堆不正常的事需要處理呢!被絕罰的非法主教、合法的主教而曾一次或多次參與非法祝聖主教的、合法受祝聖的主教但在祝聖禮上接納非法主教參與的,這些都是嚴重的違反教規,如果教廷不了了之,教友們能不喪失信心?

在最終合一的局面,地上、地下的利益怎麼擺平?信友的權利該是最高準則,但中方會妥協嗎?

(六)教廷國務卿最近受訪問時說:「我們該從『神學角度』看事情」,我認為「神學角度」也就是「信德真理」和「公義」吧。如果中方不接受這準則,不肯妥協,那末我們讓步的空間也是有限的。要達成協議實在不易。過份妥協的誘惑並不虛設,這幾年來教廷沒有過份讓步嗎?

最近國務卿在一個紀念Casaroli樞機的機會上還高調讚揚那時對東歐國家的Ostpolitik(妥協政策),甚至描寫那些不接收政府控制的教會領袖是「逢政府必反的Gladiator(羅馬鬥獸場的武士)」,是「喜歡出風頭的政客」。這種論調怎能不使我們擔心?

魏主教結束被訪問時,說出了最重要的話:「有祈禱才能保持信仰,祈禱是維持信仰的電池。」

 信仰能支持我們接受眼前的失敗,不會為了眼前的成功犧牲我們的信念,破壞我們的教規。沒有協議比一個壞的協議更好(不能把一個負賣自己的協議「袋住先」!)

乙.對韓志海主教的訪問我不想多講,因為很明顯他非常反對「那些試圖從外面發號施令的人,對他人的信仰指手劃腳,從外面強加給中國教友該做什麼不該做什麼。」

我肯定為韓主教,榮休教宗本篤絕不是屬於那些「外面的人」。榮休教宗本篤當然也像韓主教一樣希望有一天不再有地上地下的分裂,但直至為得政府認可,政府「差不多常常要求地下的接受一些教徒的良心不能接受的條件」,兩邊也就還不能正式合起來。看來韓主教有福氣,因為他的神父們幫助他作出了辨別:合一的時機還未到。

丙.寫到這裡,傳媒中正傳流着一些不確定的消息:易縣師恩祥主教逝世了!有人這樣通知了他的家屬,終於對這位十四年來被失踪的老主教(今年94歲了)希望有所交代了。但訊息傳來了多天還什麼都不確定。他真的死了?幾時?在那裡?他們會把他的遺體或骨灰交給他的家屬嗎?G. V.能幫忙尋出真相嗎?

還有保定的蘇哲民主教,到底還活著嗎?被拘留在哪裡?

當這兩位老主教因堅持信仰而喪失最基本的人權,教廷的代表能和北京官員平心靜氣坐下來談話嗎?

(意文版投亞洲新聞社 AsiaNews)

一月一日天主之母瑪利亞節日證道

二零一五年一月一日。在這元旦日大家對剛開始的新年都會有一些願望。雖然今天早上頭條新聞是新年倒數前上海外灘人踩人的悲劇。我們總是希望這類悲劇不再發生,來年的一切會更好。

南華早報回顧習近平主席和教宗方濟各在去年的成就,封他兩為”Leaders of the Year”,把對新一年世界進步的希望放在他兩身上。

身為中國公民及天主教信徒,我當然在這時刻特別為這兩位領導祈禱,求主給他們精力和智慧,領導他們的子民,並使他們的良好計劃順利成功。

不過這希望的基礎還是天主,而不是人。從人的角度我不免有些保留,有些掛慮。

習近平打老虎的勇氣有目共睹,希望他成功。但老虎又利害又眾多,會不會被牠們反咬一口?更不清楚的是:打老虎後的前景。以後還是共產黨獨權控制一切?或是讓人民參政?若是前者,那末制度不會繼續製造腐敗、貪污嗎?

教宗方濟各愛護弱勢社群,不怕批評教廷權貴,但他身邊的人都誠心接受了他的領導嗎?最近他大概是聽了國務院的意見沒有接見達賴喇嘛。這樣的「外交手段」不太符合他慣常的作風,令不少人失望(尤其國內地下教會的信徒)。〔傳媒期待他會在教會倫理立場上作出大幅度的改變,更是出於誤會,注定會失望。〕

今天彌撒第一篇讀經記載上主怎麼藉梅瑟教司祭祝福人民:「願上主祝福你……願上主的慈顏光照你……願上主賜你平安」。不錯,一切美善來自上主,新年的希望全在上主身上。為舊約的以色列民是這樣,為新約的教會更是這樣,因為救主帶來了圓滿的祝福。在彌撒的獻禮經裡教會這樣求:「上主,一切美善的事物都來自你,也由你完成。」

今天是天主之母瑪利亞節日,但主角明顯是耶穌基督。進台詠引用依撒意亞先知的預言說:「今天……上主為我們降生了,祂將被稱為神奇的謀士、強有力的天主、和平之王……祂的神國萬世無疆。」

集禱經說:「天主,……你使童貞瑪利亞孕育了我們的救主,給人類帶來了永恆的救恩。」

聖母天主之母慶日以前排在十月十一日,這使我想起五十幾年前大公會議的開幕日正是十月十一日恭敬聖母天主之母的日子。在這新年的開端,我以為大公會議的一個大主題正指示給我們應該彼此祝賀的是什麼。

「教會在現代世界牧職憲章」裡討論無神論的問題。教會注意到很多人不把希望放在天主身上,而放在別的,虛假的,價值上:健康、科技、錢財、權勢。

最可惜的是有人以為天主與人對立:承認有天主,人就成為虛無,要向天主跪拜;要堅持人的尊嚴就必要否認天主。

這是多麼大的誤會!有了天主才有人,否認天主就不能明白人從哪裡來,人往哪裡去。信仰使我們知道天主在一個愛的計劃裡,創造了人類,使我們成為祂的子女、祂的朋友。人否認了天主也就否認別人是他的兄弟姊妹,那末人與人的關係就如豺狼之間的關係。

信仰告訴我們人類一開始就犯了罪,我們的人生中也充滿罪惡,但天主沒有放棄祂愛的計劃,聖父派遣聖子來救贖我們,每個人在祂眼中是無限寶貴!

聖保祿宗徒說:「當我們(因為是罪人)還同天主作對時,祂派聖子來救贖我們」。「聖子取了我們有罪的人性」,「無罪的祂,成了罪」「萬福的根源,成了詛咒」。祂死在十字架上,使我們再次有資格稱天主為「爸爸」。

各位兄弟姊妹,祝新年快樂!祝你一年天天快樂!

天父和耶穌沒有應許我們天天一帆風順,「祂未曾應許天常蔚藍,祂未曾應允花兒常開」,但伯多祿對我們說:「將你們的一切掛慮都托給祂,因為祂必關照你們」(伯前5:7)。「平安到岸全靠祂」,不要怕,有了祂,我們心裡每天都能平安,都能快樂!